Sunday, June 28, 2026

POET. FIRAQ AND NATURE OF SELF (ATMAN)

                                     


FIRAQ  AND NATURE OF SELF (ATMAN) 



"Kah diya tune jo masoom tau masoom hain hum,

Kah diya tune gunehgaar , gunehgaar hain hum" ...( Firaq Gorakhpuri)


(If you pronounce  ‘You  are the Unstained’, then unstained I stand;  

If you declare ‘you are the Transgressor’, then transgressor I become.)



Read through the Upanishads , Firaq’s couplet moves beyond the lover’s lament and turns into a doctrine of the Self (Atman). The ‘you’ addressed here is no longer the earthly beloved. It is the Absolute, whose Will (Saṅkalpa)utters the world into being, projecting the paired opposites of Virtue (Puṇya)and Sin (Paapa) upon the formless (Brahman).


What the poet discovers is that innocence and guilt are only limiting adjuncts ( Upaadhis ) or masks draped over the Self (Atman), which by nature is Without-Qualities (Nirguṇa) and Immutable (Nirvikaara). No label can cling to it. This is why the Bṛhadaraṇyaka Upanishad repeats "not this, not this" ("neti, neti"): every designation falls away, leaving only the witness.


The beloved’s speech, then, acts as the Power of Illusion (Maaya-shakti). It spins out 'Name and Form ' ( Naamroopa ) , the world of moral binaries, while the substratum stays true to the great Upanishadic axiom: "One only, without a second" ("Ekam eva advityam").


So the verse is not a confession of dependence. It is the Individual-Soul (Jiva) awakening to "That Thou Art" ("Tat tvam asi"). Whatever thou namest me, that I am ; because in truth, there is no ‘I’ distinct from 'Thy' Word.


(Avtar Mota)






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FIRAQ GORAKHPURI'S COUPLET AND VIRAAT-SWROOP OF SRI -KRISHNA

                                     




Firaq’s couplet, seen through Arjuna’s eyes at Kurukshetra


“Koyi meri aankh se dekhta

teri bazm-e-naaz ki wusatein,  

Woh har ek gosha makaan makaan

woh har ek lamha zaman zaman”....(.From .....Gul-e-Naghma of Firaq Gorakhpuri)


(If only someone could see through my eyes the vastness of your assembly of splendour,  

Then every corner would be a universe entire, and every moment an age unto itself.)


Fluent in English , Hindi Urdu, Persian and Sanskrit, Firaq incorporated elements from his deep, self-taught knowledge of the Persian texts, Vedic and Puranic ethos into his poetry. His  belief in religion was never narrow or sectarian. His focus was always on  human beings : "Devtaon ka Khuda se hoga kaam/Aadmi ko aadmi darkar hai" or "Shaikh ji ban gaye farishte-sifat/Aadamiyat se haath dho baithe".

Firaq  enriched and indigenised his Urdu assimilating many words and characters from Hindi, Sanskrit and Braj Baasha literature. Words and names  like  Shiv, Ram, Sita,Nal, Damyanti , Komal, Kaaran,  Deepshikha, Agnikund, vish, Ang, Pawan, Mukh, Kumadini, Kanwal, Vanvaas, Roop, Shringaar, Dukh, Sansaar,Amrit, Suhaagan,  and many more  in his  poems, Gazals and Rubais. Firaq had a great fascination for English literature. Who else except firaq could translate Homer, Virgil, Wordsworth, Hardy and Wallace Stevens into beautiful Urdu ?


Firaq once remarked that the verse quoted above pertained to human beings, yet observed that it might be more keenly understood by considering Arjuna’s predicament, once Sri Krishna revealed his Viratswaroop before him. Firaq went on to suggest that Arjuna must have said to Sri Krishna, “If only one could borrow my sight to comprehend the sheer expanse of your court of majesty.” That, precisely, is Arjuna’s plight. Granted the 'divya chakshu', he gazes into Sri Krishna’s Vishwaroopam and the battlefield simply dissolves. What stands before him is no longer a charioteer, but a cosmic -bazm : thousands of faces, arms, and suns blazing forth from a single form. Every gosha, every fold of that terrible beauty, unfurls as 'makaan makaan', whole universes nested within a corner, gods and sages wheeling inside his very teeth. Space itself forfeits its meaning. The part now engulfs the whole.


And time fares no better. 'Har ek lamha zaman zaman' , each instant becomes an epoch. Bhishma, Drona, Karna: all are already streaming into those fiery mouths like moths to oblivion, though the war has scarcely commenced. Past, present and future are crushed into one shuddering moment. Arjuna’s mind reels. This is 'hairat' weaponised, wonder so vast it curdles into terror. He pleads for the human form once more, for the finite. Firaq wrote of love; Kurukshetra reveals it as metaphysics. When the Beloved discloses Himself entire, every glance contains galaxies, every breath contains ages , and the lover, mortal, can only bow and break.


(Avtar Mota)




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CHAOS AT CDG AIRPORT PARIS

                                            




TICKETING / EES SYSTEM  FAILURE AT CDG AIRPORT PARIS YESTERDAY ( 26th June, 2026)

For catching a flight to the US, we  had to  stand continuously for more than 3  hours , trapped outside the security  check-up gate at CDG, Paris. We were told to stay put as the computerised  system had collapsed ,  and it felt like we wouldn’t make it out. No water.  No fans. No way back. Paris was in the grip of a heatwave and inside CDG it was worse,  thousands  packed with no fresh air and  no space to move. We’d already emptied our bottles outside  the security check- up gate , and now we were choking with thirst.A Sri Lankan employee at the CDG was moved and arranged 250 ml water for us. That was a great favour ; certainly unforgettable. I told my wife in Kashmiri that we would die without water like it happened at Karbala. An Iraqi co- traveller behind us caught that one word, "Karbala"  and cried “Water! Water!” .Somehow  some 250ml tetra packs appeared in a box carried by an Airport employee. People pounced upon this box. The kind Iraqi co- traveller  pushed two into our hands.  That was great.  Arguments erupted. Crowds surged. A Turkish traveller urged us  to clap in protest. And after  hours of hell, we were released to a stampede. We  walked CDG’s endless corridors to arrive at the gate number printed on our boarding passes  only to be told that the gate had changed to 12 from 32 . Exhausted, we walked again. The last  relief came from a Gujarati employee at the United Airlines  on duty at gate 12 who saw us and enquired if we needed water or fruit juice. He  brought us to a sofa and made us sit  comfortably as the flight was delayed . By now we had also bought juices, water and some croissants . We were overwhelmed  by the humanitarian acts of the  Iraqi co- traveller, the Sri Lankan employee at CDG , and the  Gujrati employee at United Airlines   . May no  traveller see such scenes anymore  .

( Avtar Mota )

PS

It appears that the airport terminals of CDG ,Paris   ( Terminal 1 at least ) are  not designed for traveller comfort.Too much up and down through lifts,  escalators.  tunnels and moving  paths  . Inadequate free drinking water. Airport terminal may be architectural novelty but there is lesser  functional efficiency.




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Thursday, June 25, 2026

WHILE HEATWAVE SWEEPS FRANCE, RELUCTANCE TO INSTALL AIR-CONDITIONER CONTINUES


                                         
( An employee  setting  right AC of the restaurant in France ) 
                       ( Old building without ACs)


Why Air Conditioning Still Meets Resistance in France


For most of the 20th century, France had little use for it. Summers were mild, heatwaves were brief, and buildings were engineered to hold warmth, not shed it. The cultural response became instinctive: lower the shutters, close the curtains, turn on a fan, and wait it out. Air conditioning arrived as something foreign , a heavy-handed, American answer to a seasonal inconvenience. That instinct has settled into five enduring reasons:


1. Environmental concern


AC draws significant power and expels heat into the street. In a country that takes pride in low-carbon electricity and ecological awareness, widespread air conditioning can feel like a contradiction , private comfort at public cost.


2. Deep-rooted health worries

 

La climatisation is widely blamed for colds, stiff necks, sore throats and general malaise. The evidence is thin, but the belief runs deep. Cold, dry air is culturally coded as unhealthy, even aggressive.


3. Noise and the look of the city


Portable units drone. Fixed compressors blemish Haussmann façades and spark disputes within the copropriété. In a culture that treats visual harmony and quiet as civic values, AC is an intrusion.


4. Buildings that fight it 


Thick stone walls, wooden shutters, listed facades, awkward windows. The Parisian apartment was built for winter. Installing AC means cutting into protected architecture, and the permissions process is formidable.


5. The ethic of restraint


There is a quiet suspicion of comfort that comes too easily. To endure the heat is seen as stoic, measured, responsible. To fit AC can feel like a concession , a choice of convenience over character. “We manage without it” remains a point of pride.


The context, however, is changing. Heatwaves are longer, stronger, and more frequent. The same buildings that once preserved winter heat now trap summer temperatures to dangerous levels. For infants, older residents, and those under the roof, “managing without” is shifting from virtue to risk. The real question is no longer whether to use AC, but how  keeping a room at 26°C rather than 19°C, using it judiciously instead of reflexively. 


The French resistance to air conditioning is rooted in history, architecture, and a particular sense of measure. But when summers hit 40°C, culture meets physics. And physics does not negotiate.


( Avtar Mota )



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Wednesday, June 24, 2026

ANALYSING A COUPLET OF POET FIRAQ GORAKHPURI

                                         



ANALYSING A COUPLET OF POET FIRAQ GORAKHPURI


"Shiv ka Vishpaan tau suna hoga,

Me bhi aey dost pee gaya aansoo.."


(You have heard of Shiva drinking poison,  

I too, my friend, swallowed my tears.)



The couplet stages a deliberate movement from the mythic to the mundane, from cosmology to phenomenology. In Puranic theology, Shiva’s Vishpaan during the Samudra Manthan is a paradigmatic act of Lokasangraha: the voluntary assumption of toxicity to preserve cosmic order. It is public, transfiguring, and teleologically resolved. Firaq re-inscribes this archetype within the register of lived, quotidian experience. The  Vish becomes Aansoo. The site of ingestion shifts from the divine throat to the human interior. This is a philosophical demotion of scale but an elevation of ethical significance. The couplet posits that private endurance constitutes its own mode of theodicy, one that lacks a witnessing public or a redemptive narrative.


Ethics of Unspectacular Sacrifice


Within the Indic ethical tradition, Tyaga is often hierarchised: the King’s renunciation differs from the ascetic’s, the martyr’s from the householder’s. Firaq collapses this hierarchy. By juxtaposing Shiva’s cosmic act with the swallowing of tears, he articulates what might be termed a democratised metaphysics of suffering. The interlocutor ,"aey dost"  is forced into a moral comparison: the veneration accorded to mythic sacrifice versus the invisibility granted to personal grief. The couplet thus functions as an ethical critique of cultural memory. Societies canonise the spectacular and overlook the interstitial suffering that sustains them. In this sense, Firaq anticipates later critiques of “history from below” and the feminist revaluation of affective labour.


 Aesthetics of Understatement and the Urdu Tahzeeb


The verb  'pee gaya' is casual, almost resigned. There is no  pride in the act, only a factual reportage. This understatement is philosophically significant. It refuses the Nietzschean ressentiment that converts suffering into grievance, and also refuses the Stoic demand that suffering be transcended. Instead, it records a third position: suffering is metabolised, held within the body, and not converted into social or spiritual capital. This is a uniquely modern subjectivity, where the self becomes the sole witness to its own pain.


Intertextuality and Civilisational Dialogue


The couplet  gains further depth when read against the Kashmiri context . The Vishpaan of 1990 was not consumed by political actors but by ordinary sufferers who “pee gaye aansoo” in order to save their lives and honour , educate their children, and maintain cultural continuity . Firaq, though not Kashmiri, provides a poetic grammar for that historical condition. Philosophically, this aligns with Simone Weil’s notion of  Malheur,  affliction that is impersonal and destructive of the self, and with Kashmiri Shaiva ideas of  Swatantrya, wherein the divine freely contracts itself into limitation. The subject of the couplet enacts that contraction: he becomes a Neelkantha without devotees.


Epistemology of the Unspeakable


Finally, the couplet interrogates what can be known and transmitted. “Shiv ka Vishpaan tau suna hoga” acknowledges  the story as Shruti (what is heard and circulated) . “Me bhi… pee gaya aansoo” points to what remains  Ashruti (unheard, un-archived) . The poem thus marks the boundary between cultural memory and experiential oblivion. Philosophically, it poses a question of justice: can a civilisation be called just if its moral accounting recognises only legible, spectacular sacrifice?


In sum, Firaq’s  couplet is not merely lyrical. It is a compressed treatise on the ethics of memory, the politics of recognition, and the metaphysics of ordinary endurance.  Firaq’s couplet shifts the site of the sacred from public institutions to private endurance, locating holiness not in  structures of faith or rituals but in the tears a person silently swallows. In doing so, it confronts a historiography that equates audibility with importance, arguing that official records of noise, speeches, events, and headlines, will always overlook the substance of a civilisation. That substance lies in unspectacular acts of survival that leave no archive: the grief absorbed in solitude, the duties performed without witness, the culture sustained without recognition.


( Avtar Mota )


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IN KASHMIR, ONLY SUFFERERS NEED TO TALK FIRST

                                              
     ( At Srinagar Airport, a Hindu lady police officer is being blessed by a Muslim lady leaving for performance of Hajj .Recent Photo in Social Media ) 


CONVERSATION THROUGH COMMON VOCABULARY

 

The historical resilience of Kashmir's pluralistic ethos was sustained not by political institutions, but by an indigenous spiritual counterculture. While shortsighted political actors repeatedly instrumentalised religious and regional identities to consolidate power, fracturing communities along lines of faith, ethnicity, and ideology, the social fabric endured through the quiet yet transformative work of saints, faqirs, and spiritual adepts. Their teachings dissolved rigid boundaries between the 'self' and the 'other', cultivating an ethic of coexistence that transcended sectarian affiliation.


Shrines functioned as non-sectarian civic spaces where disputes were settled, alms distributed, and devotional music resonated across communal divides. Itinerant faqirs, bound by vows of renunciation, moved effortlessly between Hindu and Muslim households, embodying a lived detachment from political loyalties and worldly power. This syncretic infrastructure gave rise to what scholars have described as a "shared sacred geography": shrines, proverbs, Shrukhs, and Vakhs collectively inherited, revered, and sustained across communities.


The insurgency and terrorism of the 1990s, however, inflicted a civilisational wound. Death and destruction, the indiscriminate killing of innocents, the selective targeting of minorities, the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits, and the weaponisation of religious narratives precipitated an epistemic rupture of unprecedented magnitude. The centuries-old warp and weft of Kashmir's social fabric were violently torn apart, displacing not only people but also the everyday practices of coexistence that had long rendered political divisionism socially inconsequential. What was ruptured was not merely demography, but memory; not merely neighbourhoods, but an entire moral universe of shared meanings, practices, and belonging.


Peace cannot survive in the absence of dialogue, conversation, and a common vocabulary through which estranged communities may once again encounter one another, not as adversaries defined by inherited grievances, but as co-heirs to a civilisational legacy that neither violence nor politics can afford to extinguish. To begin with, away from political actors, opportunists, non-sufferers and those who benefitted from this human tragedy; let only sufferers on both sides speak to each other first.


(Avtar Mota)


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LES INVALIDES , PARIS : A LIVING MONUMENT OF MILITARY HISTORY , MEMORY , AND STATE POWER

                                                                             



                                                                               

                                                                         (Napoleon's Coffin ) 
                                                                             



( Avtar Mota looking from the top of Montparnasse Tower , Paris




Les Invalides, Paris: A Living Monument of Military History, Memory, and State Power

 At the heart of Paris’s Left Bank stands Les Invalides, a vast golden-domed complex that is at once a monument, a museum, a hospital and an active military institution. To the casual visitor, it may appear as one of the city’s more imposing historic landmarks, yet its meaning has never been confined to spectacle. It is a place where architecture, state power and social welfare were fused into a single instrument of governance, and where that original synthesis continues, uneasily but visibly, into the present.

                                          

 Founded in 1670 by Louis XIV as the Hotel Royal des Invalides, the complex emerged from a distinctly absolutist logic: the monarchy as both sovereign power and paternal caretaker. France in the late seventeenth century was a state in constant military motion. The wars of expansion that defined the Sun King’s reign produced not only victories and territorial gains but also a growing population of wounded, disabled and impoverished soldiers. Many of them drifted into Paris, forming a visible and politically troubling underclass of uniformed beggars. For Louis XIV, this was not merely a humanitarian issue but a question of royal image and urban order. The creation of Les Invalides was therefore both welfare policy and political theatre: a means of removing the “failed” bodies of war from public view while simultaneously staging the monarchy’s responsibility toward those same bodies.

 Designed initially by Liberal Bruant and later refined and expanded by Jules Hardouin-Mansart, the institution opened in 1674 as a self-contained military city. It was conceived to house thousands of veterans, but also to discipline them; physically, morally and spatially. Workshops were established so that residents could continue to work in trades such as weaving, cobbling and engraving, reinforcing the ideal of productive retirement rather than passive dependency. In this sense, the early Hotel des Invalides functioned as an embryonic form of state welfare, though one deeply embedded in hierarchical discipline. Care was inseparable from control. Architecturally, Les Invalides is a statement of classical absolutism. Its geometry is governed by symmetry, axial order and monumental scale. The Cour d’Honneur, stretching more than 100 metres, acts as a ceremonial void around which military life is organised. It was here that drills, inspections and displays of royal authority took place, transforming the courtyard into a space where the body of the soldier became an instrument of visual discipline. The most striking feature, however, is the Église du Dome, designed by Mansart as a chapel for the king and court. Its gilded dome, rising over 100 metres above Paris, is not simply decorative but ideological. Inspired by Roman and Renaissance precedents yet distinctly French in its clarity and restraint, it signals the transformation of Baroque grandeur into a controlled language of state power. The dome’s interior amplifies this effect: gilded coffering, painted heavens and carefully staged sightlines direct the visitor’s gaze upward, producing a vertical hierarchy that mirrors the political order of absolutist France. Below, the Église Saint-Louis-des-Invalides serves as a more austere counterpoint, reinforcing the social division between rank-and-file soldiers and elite spectatorship.

 Over time, the meaning of the complex shifted with the political ruptures of France itself. During the Revolution, the institution’s royal associations became problematic. Although the site continued to house veterans, its symbolic role was destabilised as the monarchy collapsed and new republican ideals redefined the relationship between citizen and soldier. The Napoleonic era, however, restored and radically transformed its significance. Under Napoleon Bonaparte, the military became the central institution of the French state, and Les Invalides was reabsorbed into a new imperial mythology. The site began to accumulate artefacts, trophies and commemorative meanings that tied individual military sacrifice to national destiny.

 This process reached its most theatrical expression in 1840 with the “retour des cendres,” the return of Napoleon’s remains from exile on Saint Helena. Orchestrated by King Louis-Philippe as a gesture of political reconciliation, the event transformed the complex into a national mausoleum. Architect Louis Visconti redesigned the crypt beneath the dome, placing Napoleon’s red quartzite sarcophagus in a sunken circular chamber that forces visitors into a slow orbital movement above the tomb. The effect is deliberately ambivalent: reverence and surveillance are merged into a single spatial experience. Napoleon is simultaneously elevated as a national hero and enclosed within a controlled architectural frame. This transformation also reflects broader nineteenth-century shifts in the politics of memory. The site became a repository not only for imperial legacy but for competing narratives of French military identity. Marshals of the Empire, revolutionary generals and later military figures were gradually incorporated into its symbolic structure, turning the complex into a layered pantheon of martial history.

 The development of the Musée de l’Armée in 1905 formalised this accumulation of memory. Formed through the merger of earlier artillery and historical collections, the museum systematised centuries of military material culture into a chronological narrative of French warfare. Its medieval galleries display armour as both craft and ideology—objects that were once functional but also deeply symbolic, marking the social stratification of feudal Europe. The galleries of the ‘Ancien Régime’ and Napoleonic periods chart the evolution of the French state into a centralised military machine, while the twentieth-century sections confront the traumatic realities of industrialised war. The First and Second World Wars occupy a particularly significant place within this narrative. Rather than presenting a triumphalist account, the museum foregrounds trench conditions, resistance activity and the bureaucratic machinery of total war. Reconstructed environments- trenches, command rooms, and occupied offices function as immersive devices that disrupt the aesthetic distance of traditional military display. In doing so, the museum reflects a broader European shift in the interpretation of conflict: from heroic narrative to critical memory.

 This interpretative approach aligns with modern theories of collective memory, particularly the idea that sites such as Les Invalides function as what historian Pierre Nora termed “lieux de memoire”, places where memory is anchored because lived experience has otherwise disappeared. Within this framework, Les Invalides is not simply a preserved historical site but an active mechanism for producing national memory. It stabilises competing interpretations of France’s military past within a single architectural and institutional framework. Yet what distinguishes Les Invalides from many other European monuments is that it has never ceased to function as an operational military institution. The Institution Nationale des Invalides continues to provide medical care and rehabilitation for wounded soldiers. Veterans reside within its walls, supported by medical staff and military administration. Chapels remain active, and ceremonial events mark both historical anniversaries and contemporary military engagements. The presence of uniformed personnel within the same courtyards that once hosted seventeenth-century drills creates a rare continuity between absolutist, imperial and republican France. In the modern city, the Esplanade des Invalides extends this continuity into urban space. Once a parade ground, it now functions as a public park and ceremonial axis connecting the Left Bank to the broader geometry of Paris. Its alignment toward the Seine and its visual dialogue with other monumental axes, such as the Champ de Mars, reinforce the city’s long-standing identity as a capital organised through state sightlines and controlled vistas. Even in its contemporary, recreational use, the space retains the logic of visibility and order embedded in its original design.

 During the twentieth century, Les Invalides also became a site of national commemoration for both world wars and later military engagements. State funerals, commemorative ceremonies and military parades frequently pass through its courtyards, reaffirming its role as a stage for republican ritual. In this sense, the complex has absorbed the symbolic functions of monarchy, empire and republic without fully relinquishing any of them. It operates as a palimpsest of French political identity, where successive regimes have inscribed their own meanings onto a stable architectural framework. The endurance of Les Invalides therefore lies not in its preservation as a static monument, but in its capacity to remain institutionally alive. It is simultaneously a museum of war, a tomb of empire, a hospital for veterans and a ceremonial centre of the French state. Few sites in Europe so completely fuse the material, symbolic and operational dimensions of military history.

 Ultimately, what the complex reveals is that military memory is never neutral. It is constructed, curated and spatialised through architecture, ritual and institutional practice. Les Invalides does not simply remember France’s military past; it organises it, stages it and continues to inhabit it. In doing so, it offers a rare continuity across three centuries of profound political change, standing in Paris not only as a monument to what France has been, but as an active participant in how it continues to define itself.

 

( Avtar Mota )


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