Saturday, November 14, 2026

AKHTAR KHAN'S MAJOON-E-SHABAAB

                                                                           
                                                                 (A-I Created Image )

AKHTAR KHAN'S MAJOON-E-SHABAAB

Akhtar Khan , the lively Pushto and Kashmiri-speaking Pathan, lived at     Badiyaar , Bala Srinagar   . He was forthright and direct in his dealings and communication. Akhtar was a customer of our bank who often gossiped with bank employees and gave them some samples of special Unani medicine for what he called Majoon e Shabab ( tonic for youthful power ). He also supplied some herbs to Unani Hospital for which he would bring treasury bills for petty amounts of twenty or thirty or forty rupees .


He would also sit on the footpath near Broca Press in Lal Chowk, carrying a flute in one hand and a damroo in the other. Before settling down, he would erect an enormous banner depicting a Pathan perched on a lofty mountain peak, searching among rocks and boulders for shilajeet. A tiger, prominently painted near the rocks, added to the drama. The intention was unmistakable: to impress upon curious onlookers how perilous and difficult it was to procure this rare mountain substance, the prized ingredient of his herbal preparation, Majoon-e-Shabab.

Once the banner was in place, he would spread a mat on the footpath and instruct his helper to arrange the boxes containing his various herbal preparations. Everything was carefully orchestrated. He would then take the flute in one hand and beat the damroo with the other, producing an unusual combination of sounds to attract passers-by. The performance was as much a part of his trade as the medicines he sold. Before long, curious pedestrians would begin to gather around him, drawn by the music, the colourful banner and the promise of his celebrated Majoon-e-Shabab. He would then begin:

“Meharbaan! Qadardaan! Yeh Maajoon-e-Shabaab hai! Jawaani ki galti ka ilaaj hai! Jawaani ki taaqat hai! Yeh ilaaj-e-kam-naseebi hai! Iss ka maafiq dawa kisi mamaalik mein na hai, na milega! Firangi ki dawa khao, ek beemaari ka ilaaj karo aur dus mein mubtala ho jao! Yeh tibb hai! Yeh Yunani ilm ka kamaal hai! Yeh rooh ka ghiza hai! Khan dawa ke saath dua mein bhi yaqeen rakhta hai. Dawa lo, Maalik shifa ataa karega! Yaqeenan! Iss ko buzurg baap ko do, chhote bhai ko do, bachche ko do, dost ko do, dushman ko do aur sab ki dua lo! Khan ko yaad karna! Abhi taaza banaayega. Taste karaayega. Ho Khwaja! Aey Pandit Ji! Mera Sardar bhai! Khabardaar! Hujoom mein Khan ka dushman, jeb-katra bhi hai! Tawajju idhar, magar haath jeb par! Biraadar, khabardaar! Biraadar, hoshiyaar!”

(Kind-hearted people! Worthy gentlemen! This is Majoon-e-Shabaab! A remedy for the mistakes of youth! A source of youthful strength! A cure for ill fortune! There is no medicine like this in any country, nor will you ever find its equal! Take those foreign medicines! Cure one ailment and find yourself afflicted with ten others! This is the science of healing! This is the marvel of Unani medicine! This is nourishment for the soul! Khan believes in prayer as much as he believes in medicine. Take the medicine, and the Almighty will grant you healing! Most certainly! Give it to your aged father! Give it to your younger brother! Give it to your child! Give it to your friend! Give it even to your enemy! And earn everyone's blessings! Remember Khan! I shall be preparing it shortly. You will be asked to taste it. Hey, Khwaja Sahib! O Pandit Ji! My dear Sardar brother! Beware! There is another enemy of Khan lurking in this crowd — the pickpocket! Keep your attention here, but your hand on your pocket. Brother, beware! Brother, stay alert!)

The Pathan herbal tonic seller had his own market and dedicated customers. He had his own marketing style. Where has he gone ? He is no longer seen on Indian footpaths now.
(Avtar Mota )

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CIVILISATIONAL THEFTS IN KASHMIR: THE PLUNDER OF A PEOPLE'S CULTURAL INHERITANCE


                                                                                 

(Durga Mahishasura-mardini, Kashmir, 10th Century CE. Stolen from a temple in Tengpora, Pulwama, 1990/91 and was on display at the Linden Museum, Stuttgart. Returned to India by Germany, 2015.)


CIVILISATIONAL THEFTS IN KASHMIR: THE PLUNDER OF A PEOPLE'S CULTURAL INHERITANCE

        

The mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits in 1989–90 marked the beginning of a tragedy that extended far beyond the forced abandonment of homes, properties and livelihoods. In the years that followed, another, less acknowledged dimension of this catastrophe unfolded: the looting, destruction and dispersal of the community's cultural inheritance. What disappeared was not merely private property or material wealth, but an extraordinary repository of memory, artistic achievement, religious tradition and scholarship accumulated over centuries and preserved in homes, temples, libraries and cultural institutions.

As thousands of Kashmiri Pandit families fled the Valley, leaving behind possessions they could not carry, their deserted homes became vulnerable to looting. Paintings, sculptures, idols from puja rooms, rare manuscripts, Sharda-script texts, religious literature, family photographs and personal albums disappeared. Private libraries, painstakingly assembled over generations, were emptied, and rare books passed into unknown hands and commercial networks. Objects that had once embodied family histories and cultural traditions were reduced to commodities, severed from the people and places that had given them meaning.

The experiences of Kashmiri artists, scholars, musicians and cultural personalities reveal the extent of this devastation. Their losses were not simply personal tragedies; they represented the disappearance of valuable records of Kashmir's artistic and intellectual history.

THE PLUNDER OF ARTISTIC COLLECTIONS AND PRIVATE LIBRARIES

The fate of several prominent Kashmiri artists illustrates the magnitude of the cultural losses. Artists P. N. Kachru, Mohan Raina and Triloke Kaul lost valuable books on art from their personal libraries. More than 300 paintings belonging to Mohan Raina and over 150 paintings belonging to Triloke Kaul were reportedly stolen. Their artistic spaces also suffered: Mohan Raina's house and Triloke Kaul's studio were set on fire.

Paintings by celebrated artist Som Nath Butt, which had been displayed in offices and college premises, also disappeared. Their loss deprived the wider community of works that had formed part of Kashmir's shared artistic inheritance.

Other artists and collectors suffered similar losses. Gokul Dembi, another Kashmiri artist, had a comparable experience, while well-known physician Kundan Lal Chaudhary lost prized paintings collected by his family over many years. These works represented not only artistic patronage and individual taste but also the continuity of an indigenous cultural tradition.

Veteran music composer T. K. Jalali lost virtually his entire collection after his house in Rawalpora, Srinagar, was looted. His rooms had once been adorned with paintings gifted by fellow musicians and well-known artists. Recalling the extent of the loss, he said:

"Apart from numerous paintings gifted to me by my several colleagues and well-known artists, I lost the complete collection of my musical instruments and my personal library consisting of rare treatises and out-of-print books on music."

The disappearance of his musical instruments and specialised library represented the destruction of resources accumulated over a lifetime of creative work.

Umakant Kachru, son of veteran artist P. N. Kachru, recalled the devastation suffered by his family at their ancestral home in Rainawari, Srinagar:

"My father lost everything, including the entire stock of his precious paintings, books, magazines that had his write-ups, besides other belongings. We couldn't retrieve even a needle from our Rainawari, Srinagar house. My parents had left Kashmir in December 1989 and never returned."

His testimony captures the loss of an artist's entire creative and intellectual world, including paintings and publications that documented his contribution to society.

Triloke Kaul's own account, recorded in an interview with Sudesh Raina and reproduced in the book Art in Kashmir and Mohan Raina: The Creative Genius, conveys the helplessness of an artist deprived of his life's work:

"My paintings, as you know, were stolen by a person whom you too know. I am left with these four paintings (pointing towards the paintings). Terrorism in the valley has deprived me of my lifetime collection, and I can't do anything about it."

Another forgotten casualty was Maheshwar Nath Dhar (1908–1992), an artist from Chandpora, Srinagar. His granddaughter, Sunita Handoo, has recalled his remarkable contribution to art. Dhar had served as an art teacher in Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, and painted images of goddesses displayed at Kheer Bhawani, Hari Parbat and several other temples. According to his granddaughter, he produced thousands of paintings, which were looted during the turmoil of the 1990s. She has also lamented that his contribution remained largely unrecognised.

Prof R L Hangloo  former VC of Hyderabad University  and also a former VC of Allahabad University, had this to say :

" I lost 3000 books. They were plundered by some miscreants in Kashmir. Among these books, there were some precious manuscripts and some rare books by European authors. After removing the books and other items, our family's ancestral house at Hangalgund was set on fire. It was painful for me to locate two of my precious books in the Sunday Market of  Srinagar city. 

Dr Upendar Nath Raina, son of well-known broadcaster, translator and Hindi poet Mohan Nirash,  had this to say: 

"We lost hundreds of rare books, artefacts and some paintings gifted to my father. It was a simple loot or plunder. It pains me even to talk about this subject. " 

Agnishekhar, a noted Hindi poet, author and community leader, had this to say:

" I had the richest collection of books, more than 2800. My wife brought two trunks of books after her marriage to our house that she had collected. I lost the entire correspondence that I had exchanged with Amrit Lal Nagar, Harivansh Rai Bachan, Amrita Pritam, Ageya, Krishna Sobti, Prof Namavar Singh and many more doyens of Hindi literature. I lost some rare manuscripts, miniature paintings, Puja room idols, and some artefacts, and some rarest-of-the-rare letters of appreciation by His Highness Maharaja Hari  Singh to my father, appreciating his monumental service during the Pakistani Tribal Raid of 1947   for serving refugees in the capacity of Founder President of the Kashmiri Pandit Refugee Committee formed by Kashyap Bandhu. In addition, we had some correspondence exchanged with Yuvraj Karan Singh. Moreover, the King of Nepal had sent a personal letter to my father, Janki Nath Sumbly, appreciating his role in helping victims of the  1947 Tribal Raid. We also lost some precious correspondence exchanged with Nagarjun, the doyen of Hindi poetry. He would stay at my wife's parental home in Karan Nagar, Srinagar and treated her as his daughter."

There are too many similar stories. These are all stories of thefts which are followed by mysterious fires.T he loss of these collections represents a significant gap in the documentation of Kashmir's artistic history. The disappearance of paintings, writings and specialised libraries deprived families and future generations of original material through which the creative achievements of these artists could have been studied and preserved.

Private libraries in Kashmiri Pandit homes were equally vulnerable. They contained books on literature, history, philosophy, religion, music and art, alongside rare manuscripts and texts in the Sharda script. Many represented the intellectual pursuits of entire families and formed an important part of the community's scholarly inheritance.

FROM DESERTED HOMES TO OPEN MARKETS: THE COMMERCIALISATION OF STOLEN HERITAGE

The fate of the missing possessions becomes even more disturbing when one considers accounts of their subsequent appearance in markets. Books, manuscripts, paintings, temple artefacts and household fittings were reportedly traded in Kashmir and elsewhere, suggesting that the consequences of the original looting extended far beyond the abandoned homes.

This author personally witnessed this commercialisation in a Sunday market, where a copy of V. S. Naipaul's An Area of Darkness lay for sale on a cot. The book bore the signature of Bansi Lal Dhar. Its appearance in such circumstances was deeply disturbing. A volume that had once belonged to a family's private library had become an object of casual commerce, detached from its original owner and history.

The notorious Sunday Market in Iqbal Park, Hazuri Bagh(Srinagar), traded in goods looted from deserted Pandit houses. In this market, one could buy brass Samovars, bronze Khasus, bronze Thalis, gas cylinders, books, mattresses, pillows, old photo albums, manuscripts, and miniature paintings. This author saw this market personally in 2008.  In 2001, this author witnessed manuscripts and miniature paintings believed to have been looted from Kashmiri Pandit homes being offered for sale in a market opposite Amritsar Railway Station. These included illustrated Sharda manuscripts and miniature paintings of considerable historical and artistic significance. Similar material was sold in the Sunday Market of Chawri Bazaar, New Delhi. The appearance of such objects in distant markets raises serious questions about the channels through which cultural property removed from Kashmir was transported and sold. Sharda manuscripts and Kashmiri miniature paintings are not ordinary commercial goods. Their significance lies in their artistic qualities, historical provenance and association with the intellectual and cultural traditions of Kashmir.

Further questions arise from accounts concerning a private museum reportedly established in a house in the Brian locality of Nishat, Srinagar. The museum is said to contain numerous Sharda manuscripts and miniature paintings allegedly taken from deserted Kashmiri Pandit homes. Prof. T. N. Ganju has informed the author that he visited this museum.

These claims require independent verification. A systematic inventory and provenance investigation would be necessary to establish how the objects entered the collection, who their original owners were and whether any had been removed without consent. The preservation of cultural objects in a private museum cannot, by itself, establish legitimate ownership.

The trade reportedly extended beyond manuscripts, paintings and antiquities. Salman Rushdie's account of the so-called Bangladeshi markets in Srinagar draws attention to the buying and selling of goods taken from temples and homes. Babademb was also associated in accounts of the period with the trade in doors and windows dismantled from Kashmiri Pandit houses.

The reported sale of architectural components illustrates the extent to which even the physical fabric of ancestral homes was dismantled. Doors and windows that had sheltered generations were reduced to marketable objects. The destruction of a household's material inheritance thus extended beyond its contents to the very structures that had preserved family life and memory. Kashmiri Pandit leader H. N. Jattu once described this sordid business in particularly disturbing terms. His words deserve to be reproduced in their entirety:

 “Most of us are privy to the trapping of many innocents in these cruel and criminal sales by the greedy brokers who tied them with petty advance amounts till they found a buyer. It was cruel. It was pathetic. It was unjust. It was sheer deceit. Mysterious fires, removal of doors/ windows, removal of sanitary fittings and many other methods were employed by these criminals masquerading as property brokers to convince innocent owners that there was no buyer for the house they left behind, given its prevailing conditions. Babademb area in Srinagar city became a Kabaadi hub for the sale of the old wooden frames, old doors, old windows, old wooden furniture and other wooden junk removed from the deserted houses of Kashmiri Pandits. Some carpentry shops opened in this area for remodelling these plundered wooden frames, doors, windows, furniture and other items for sale to prospective buyers. Some of these greedy brokers and shady buyers are currently active on social media, giving loud sermons on moral values, peace, humanism, and justice. They also speak about Baichaara (brotherhood) and Kashmiriyat.

SALMAN RUSHDIE'S ACCOUNT OF THE EXODUS AND THE LOOTING OF PANDIT PROPERTY

The plight of Kashmiri Pandits and the destruction of their homes and cultural inheritance also found expression in Salman Rushdie's novel Shalimar the Clown (2005). Rushdie addresses the intimidation preceding the exodus, the destruction of homes and temples, the flight of Pandits and their subsequent abandonment in refugee camps. One of the frequently quoted passages from the novel reads:

"Hindu community houses, temples, private homes, and whole neighbourhoods were being destroyed … Kill one, scare ten, the Muslim mobs chanted, and ten were, indeed, scared … Three hundred and fifty thousand Pandits, almost the entire Pandit population of Kashmir, fled from their homes and headed south to the refugee camps where they would rot, like bitter fallen apple, like the unloved, undead dead they had become."

Rushdie also refers directly to the commercialisation of property taken from deserted Pandit homes and temples:

"In the so-called Bangladeshi markets in Iqbal Park-Hazuri Bagh area of Srinagar the things looted from temples and homes were being openly bought and sold …"

These passages are significant because they place the looting within the wider history of displacement. Rushdie's account is not confined to the flight of the community; it also draws attention to the destruction of its homes and religious spaces and the subsequent circulation of their possessions in local markets. His observations complement the eyewitness accounts of manuscripts and miniature paintings offered for sale in Amritsar and Delhi, as well as reports concerning the trade in doors and windows at Babademb. Together, these accounts suggest that the commercial dispersal of Pandit property was an important, though insufficiently documented, dimension of the tragedy.

Literary accounts, however valuable, cannot substitute for documentary investigation. Prof. Mohan Lal Koul's Kashmir: Wail of a Valley also discusses the plunder of Pandit property and the disappearance of books and manuscripts. Such references, considered alongside personal testimonies and eyewitness observations, reinforce the need for a systematic investigation into the fate of missing cultural collections.

THE PLUNDER OF TEMPLES AND THE DISAPPEARANCE OF ANTIQUITIES

The looting of private homes destroyed the cultural inheritance preserved within families. The theft and desecration of temples, however, struck at the visible and material foundations of Kashmir's religious and archaeological history.

Kashmir's temples, stone sculptures, inscriptions, sacred images and architectural remains bear testimony to centuries of religious thought, artistic achievement and cultural exchange. Many have survived successive political upheavals, yet numerous shrines and archaeological sites reportedly suffered destruction, desecration, theft or neglect during the period of militancy.

In the Greater Kashmir newspaper, Khalid Bashir Ahmad series, “Tale of a Mammoth Loss,” reported this :

 “Illegal trafficking of priceless objects has slowly depleted heritage reserves of Kashmir. The long turmoil and the resultant law and order failure in Kashmir beginning in 1989 is especially believed to be a period when art smugglers robbed Kashmir of its priceless articles, ‘which now adorn homes of private collectors and museums in western countries."

One particularly significant case was the theft of the tenth-century idol of Goddess Mahishasuramardini from a temple at Tengpora village in Pulwama district. Depicting Goddess Durga slaying the demon Mahishasura, the sculpture is an important example of Kashmir's sculptural heritage.

The idol was stolen during the night of 10–11 January 1991. It subsequently entered the international art market and was acquired by the Linden Museum in Stuttgart, Germany, which purchased it from an art gallery in New York in 2000. Following efforts by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), the sculpture was repatriated to India in 2015. On 5 October 2015, German Chancellor Angela Merkel formally handed it over to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi. In March 2016, it was returned to Jammu and Kashmir for preservation and display at the Shri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar. New Jersey-based Kashmiri Pandit Rakesh Kaul and noted art historian Paratipaditya Pal played a crucial role in its recovery.

This recovery demonstrates how an antiquity stolen from a Kashmiri temple could pass through international commercial channels before being identified and repatriated. It is important to clarify that the idol was recovered from Germany, not the United States, although the German museum had purchased it through an art gallery in New York.

Another significant recovery was reported in December 2021. According to a Hindustan Times report dated 1 December 2021, police in Budgam district recovered a seventh-century black-stone idol of Goddess Durga from the Khag area. Believed to be approximately 1,300 years old, the sculpture depicts the goddess seated on a lion throne. Its left arm was missing from the shoulder, while its right hand held a lotus. The report noted its artistic association with the Gandhara School. The recovered sculpture was handed over to Mushtaq Ahmad Beigh, Deputy Director, Department of Archives, Archaeology and Museums.

The recovery offered further evidence of the vulnerability of Kashmir's archaeological heritage and the possibility of tracing objects that had disappeared.

The wider damage is also discussed by S. Dheer in Koshur Qalam, published by the J&K Academy of Art, Culture and Languages. Referring to the plunder of artefacts from deserted houses and temples during the period of militancy, he writes on page 97:

"Unfortunately, most of the illustrated manuscripts, stone sculptures and inscriptions were destroyed, smuggled or lifted during the recent militancy period (1989-2015) in the valley. Even the famous inscription of Martand Temple, the human-size statue of Vishnu at Panzmula, Larkipora, Bumzu, Lokripora, and Lookbhawan, etc., were destroyed or lifted."

This observation highlights the historical significance of the losses. Illustrated manuscripts preserve literature, philosophy, ritual traditions and languages; inscriptions provide evidence of historical events, donations and genealogies; and sculptures embody the artistic and religious imagination of their period. Their destruction or disappearance deprives future generations of primary sources through which Kashmir's past can be reconstructed.

The Tribune newspaper dated June 22, 2016, writes  this:-  

 

“Since the eruption of insurgency in 1989-90, ‘Cultural Vandalism’ has robbed the state, especially Kashmir, of several priceless articles which now adorn homes of private collectors and museums in western countries. Senior officials from the Archaeology Department also admitted that since the eruption of insurgency, Kashmir had turned into a goldmine for art smugglers who exploited the turmoil to further their agenda. It is suspected that several high-ranking government officials and over-ground workers of militants aggressively scavenged temples and historical sites to remove priceless idols and other items. These were then sold to national and international collectors.

 

Despite a relative change in the security situation in the past decade, there is still no coordination between the state Archaeology Department and the Archaeological Survey of India, which adds to the despair. “We will never be able to know the extent of damage which the art smugglers inflicted on Kashmir. The 1990s were an open field for smugglers as law and order collapsed. We were robbed of our past. Even government departments failed to save the heritage sites, temples and other historical sites due to militant threats,” said a senior official from the Archaeology Department. According to estimates, antiques, revered idols, rare manuscripts and ancient jewellery were smuggled in a well-planned manner and sold to art collectors in India and abroad. “The loot is still going on, and several people are still shifting artefacts outside the state. Many of the temples we visited in Kashmir have been stripped of their idols and other historic items. The government is ignoring this,” said Vinod Pandit, chairman, All Party Migrant Coordination Committee.”


“In many cases of loot of antiquities, FIRs were not possible as people had to leave their homes during the militancy to save their lives. Most relics from our shrines have been smuggled out.”........ R.L. Bhat, author of "Hindu Shrines of Kashmir" (2014), quoted in Indian Express.


Indian Express write-up, " Investigation with ICIJ and Finance Uncovered ", informs this :


“The Metropolitan Museum New York's formidable Asia collection with at least 94 artefacts of J&K origin : 81 sculptures, five paintings, five pages of a manuscript, two Kashmir carpet antiquities and one page of calligraphy , none of which have details in their provenance, or background documents, of when they were moved out and by whom.” 


Dr Dillip Kumar Rana, Assistant Director, National Mission for Manuscripts,s told PTI this :


“Thousands of rare manuscripts have been lost in the years of terrorism in J&K. Most of the manuscripts have been lost in huge fires caused by terrorists and religious hardliners in ancient buildings like the Charar-e-Sharif and other art and cultural centres located in Srinagar."


Dr Rana had no information about thefts, fires and burglaries in Kashmiri Pandit homes.

.

THE DESECRATION AND DESTRUCTION OF ANCIENT SHRINES

Dr R. L. Bhat, in his 2014 book Hindu Shrines of Kashmir, lists more than a hundred ancient temples and Hindu shrines that, according to his account, suffered plunder, desecration or destruction after 1990. A selection of the examples he records illustrates the geographical spread and nature of the reported damage:

  • Ancient Ganeshbal Temple, Kashmir: The temple was reportedly destroyed during the militancy of 1990, and its ancient idols were removed.
  • Ancient Temple of Goddess Ragneya, Logripora: The ancient stone idol of the goddess was reportedly stolen.
  • Ancient Shiva Temple, Bonu, Devsar, Kulgam: The temple was reportedly destroyed, while the Shiva Linga and other idols were broken.
  • Ancient Bhairava Temple, Maisuma, Gawa Kadal, Srinagar: The Shiva Linga and other idols were reportedly broken and thrown into the river.
  • Shiva Temple, Drabiyaar, Srinagar: The Shiva Linga and other idols were reportedly broken and thrown into the river.
  • Raghunath Temple, Fateh Kadal, Srinagar: Built by Maharaja Gulab Singh, the temple was reportedly destroyed and its idols stolen or removed. According to the account, the premises were subsequently converted into a garbage-dumping spot.
  • Ramji Temple, Khankahi Sokhta, Srinagar: The temple was reportedly desecrated and its idols stolen.
  • Ancient Vichar Naag Temple, Srinagar: Ancient sculptures and idols from the shrine were reportedly removed.
  • Ancient Shiva Shrine, Thajvor: The shrine reportedly suffered destruction, and its idols were removed.

These examples represent only a small selection from Dr Bhat's larger catalogue. They describe damage to religious structures, sacred images and archaeological remains across different parts of Kashmir.

In 2008, this author visited the famous Raghunath Temple, lately renovated and with new idols installed, in Habba Kadal locality and found that all idols from the temple were missing. Some insane person was sleeping inside the sanctum sanctorum, and the inner walls of the temple had been defaced with graffiti, while the entire Mohalla was dumping garbage in its compound. The temple was also set on fire. This author took some pictures of this devastation. The nearby Rupa Devi Sharda Research Institute and the girls' school were also set on fire. Some rare manuscripts donated by various families were stolen before the fire. A hand-copied manuscript of Kshemendra' s work was also lost.

The removal of an idol from an ancient shrine is not merely the disappearance of a sculpture. It disrupts the historical and devotional relationship between a community and its sacred landscape. Similarly, the destruction of a temple erases architectural evidence of the artistic, religious and social life of an earlier period. Such losses are simultaneously religious, historical and cultural.

A CIVILISATION STRIPPED OF ITS MATERIAL MEMORY

The cultural devastation associated with the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits must be understood in its full dimensions. It encompassed private libraries, artistic collections, manuscripts, miniature paintings, musical instruments, temple idols, stone sculptures, inscriptions, architectural elements and sacred structures. It affected homes, artists' studios, religious institutions, public collections and archaeological sites.

The accounts presented in this chapter suggest that the process extended beyond the initial looting. Cultural objects were reportedly transported to markets outside Kashmir, offered for sale and incorporated into private collections. The reported presence of Sharda manuscripts and miniature paintings in a private collection in Nishat raises additional questions about their acquisition and ownership. The full extent of this dispersal, however, remains to be established through systematic investigation.

The consequences were particularly severe because many of the objects were irreplaceable. A painting can be reproduced, but the original preserves the artist's hand, historical context and creative journey. A manuscript can be transcribed, but its original script, illustrations, annotations and physical history are integral to its identity. An ancient temple sculpture belongs not only to the history of art but also to the sacred space and devotional tradition in which it originated. Even a family photograph may constitute the last surviving visual record of generations who once inhabited an ancestral home.

The forced displacement of Kashmiri Pandits severed their physical relationship with ancestral places. The subsequent disappearance of their cultural possessions deepened that rupture. Families lost not only their homes and livelihoods but also the material records of their memories, beliefs, intellectual pursuits and artistic achievements.

The recovery of the Mahishasuramardini idol demonstrates that stolen antiquities can sometimes be traced through international investigations and repatriation efforts. Yet, the recovery of one sculpture also draws attention to the many other objects that may remain dispersed across private collections, galleries and museums in India and abroad.

There is an urgent need for a comprehensive programme to address these losses. Its priorities should include:

  1. Documentation of missing property: Displaced families should be encouraged to prepare inventories of stolen paintings, manuscripts, books, photographs, religious objects and other cultural possessions.
  2. Investigation of missing antiquities: The disappearance of temple sculptures, inscriptions and archaeological objects should be documented through a systematic survey.
  3. Provenance research: Museums, galleries and private collectors should be encouraged to examine the origins and ownership histories of Kashmiri manuscripts, paintings and antiquities in their collections.
  4. Recovery and repatriation: Objects established to have been stolen should be returned to their rightful owners, families or appropriate public institutions.
  5. Protection of surviving heritage: The present condition of damaged temples, shrines and archaeological sites should be assessed, with appropriate measures for conservation and restoration.
  6. Preservation of oral testimony: The experiences of artists, musicians, scholars, descendants and displaced families should be systematically recorded and archived before further evidence is lost.

Particular attention should be given to collections containing Sharda manuscripts and miniature paintings reportedly removed from Kashmiri Pandit homes. Independent documentation and provenance investigations are necessary to establish their origins and legitimate ownership. The objective should be not merely to preserve these objects wherever they happen to be, but to acknowledge their histories and restore them to their rightful custodians wherever possible.

The testimonies of artists and their descendants are equally important. The accounts of Mohan Raina, Triloke Kaul, T. K. Jalali, Umakant Kachru and Sunita Handoo preserve experiences that might otherwise disappear from the historical record. They should form part of a broader documentary archive of the cultural losses suffered by displaced Kashmiri Pandits.

Civilisations are impoverished not only when their people are driven from ancestral homes or their temples demolished, but also when their books disappear, their artistic collections are stolen, their sacred objects removed and their historical records scattered. The plunder of Kashmiri Pandit cultural property must therefore be recognised as an important dimension of the history of displacement.

The story of the exodus must include not only the history of those who were forced to leave, but also the history of what they left behind: what was looted, what was destroyed, what was sold and what was carried away. The dispossession of a people was accompanied by the dispersal of much of their material cultural inheritance. This dimension of the tragedy deserves recognition, rigorous documentation and sustained historical investigation.

No market can establish legitimate ownership of stolen heritage merely through a commercial transaction. Nor should the passage of time absolve those responsible for the unlawful removal or concealment of cultural property. Objects whose origins and ownership can be established must be traced and restored to their rightful custodians.

Kashmir's cultural history cannot be fully reconstructed without confronting this loss. The missing collections must be traced, stolen antiquities identified, damaged shrines documented and surviving heritage protected. Above all, the testimonies of those who experienced these losses must be preserved.

For what was taken from Kashmiri Pandit homes and temples was not simply property. It was a part of Kashmir's civilisational memory.

 

( Avtar Mota)


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Wednesday, November 11, 2026

MORELS ( KANNA-GICHH / GUCHHI ) : THE HIMALAYAN GOLD

                                             


               


Morels (Kanna-gichh / Guchhi): The Himalayan Gold :  Source, Nutrition, Cooking Uses, and Why They Are So Expensive

Morels are among the most prized mushrooms in the world, and in Kashmir they carry an almost legendary status. In Kashmiri, morels are known as Kanna-gichh, while in North India people call it Guchhi. In scientific terms, they belong to the Morchella species. These strange, hollow, honeycombed mushrooms appear for only a few weeks each year, yet they command prices that rival saffron, dry fruits, and even silver. To understand why, one must look at where they come from, what they contain, how they are cooked, and why some varieties cost far more than others.

Source and Natural Habitat

Morels are not grown in fields like button mushrooms. They are wild fungi, and their appearance depends on a precise combination of soil, moisture, temperature, altitude, and trees.

In India, morels are found mainly in the western Himalayas : Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and parts of Ladakh and Jammu. They also grow in the temperate forests of Europe, North America, Turkey, China, and Pakistan. In Kashmir, collectors walk into the forests of Kupwara, Baramulla, Shopian, Kulgam, Anantnag, Poonch, and Rajouri in spring, usually from March to May, searching under trees and on forest floors.

Morels are mycorrhizal and saprophytic, meaning they live in a close relationship with trees and decaying organic matter. They are often found near ash, elm, apple, apricot, poplar, deodar, pine, and oak trees. They prefer moist, shaded, well-drained soil rich in leaf litter and humus. One of the most fascinating facts about morels is their connection with forest fires. After a wildfire, morel growth often increases dramatically the next spring. Scientists believe the disturbance, the change in soil chemistry, and the death of trees trigger the fungus to fruit heavily.

Morels cannot be farmed easily on a large commercial scale. Although some laboratories in China and the United States have managed controlled cultivation, the yield is uncertain, the process is expensive, and the flavour of cultivated morels is often considered inferior to wild ones. This dependence on nature is the first reason for their rarity. A collector cannot plant morels and guarantee a harvest. He must wait for rain, snowmelt, and the right temperature, then search forest after forest.

Harvesting itself is painstaking work. Morels blend into the forest floor. Their brown, grey, yellow, or black caps look like pinecones, dry leaves, or stones. Collectors often crawl through undergrowth, climb slopes, and walk for hours to find a few hundred grams. Because they are hollow and fragile, they must be picked gently, cleaned carefully, and dried or carried down the same day. In remote villages, entire families  , men, women, and children  take part in the short season.

After harvest, morels are graded. Fresh morels are perishable and last only a few days, so most are sun-dried or shade-dried. Drying reduces their weight by almost ten times. It takes about 8 to 10 kilograms of fresh morels to make 1 kilogram of dried morels. This weight loss is another major reason for the high price of the dried product that reaches markets in Srinagar, Delhi, Amritsar, and abroad.

Nutritional Value

Morels are not just a delicacy. They are remarkably nutritious, especially for a food that is naturally low in calories and fat.

A 100-gram serving of fresh morels contains only about 30 to 35 calories, with almost no fat and very little sodium. The same serving provides around 3 grams of protein, 5 grams of carbohydrate, and 2 to 3 grams of dietary fibre. Dried morels are far more concentrated because the water has been removed. By weight, dried morels contain much more protein, fibre, minerals, and vitamins.

Morels are particularly rich in iron. In fact, they contain more iron per serving than many leafy vegetables and are often recommended in traditional diets for people with low haemoglobin. They are also an excellent source of copper, manganese, zinc, selenium, phosphorus, potassium, and magnesium. Copper supports blood formation and nerve health, manganese supports bone and metabolism, and selenium acts as a powerful antioxidant.

In vitamins, morels are one of the few non-animal foods that naturally contain vitamin D, especially vitamin D2, which is important for bone health, immunity, and mood. They also contain B-vitamins, including niacin (B3), riboflavin (B2), pantothenic acid (B5), folate, and vitamin B6. These vitamins help the body convert food into energy, maintain healthy skin, support the nervous system, and form red blood cells.

Morels are also rich in antioxidants, including phenolic compounds and ergothioneine, which help protect cells from damage caused by free radicals. Some studies have shown that morels contain polysaccharides and other bioactive compounds that may support immune function, reduce inflammation, and help regulate blood sugar. While morels are not a medicine, their traditional use in Himalayan, Chinese, and Unani systems of medicine as a tonic for strength, digestion, and vitality is supported by their nutrient density.

Another important point is that morels are low in calories but high in satiety. Their fibre and protein make them satisfying, which is why they are popular in healthy diets. For vegetarians, especially in Kashmir and the Himalayan belt where meat may be expensive or avoided on certain days, morels provide a meaty texture and umami flavour that make a meal feel rich without meat.

However, morels must always be cooked. Raw morels contain small amounts of toxins, including hydrazine compounds, which can cause stomach upset, nausea, and vomiting. Cooking, especially boiling and thorough sautéing, destroys these compounds. People with mushroom allergies, kidney problems, or who are pregnant should eat morels in moderation and consult a doctor if unsure.

Cooking Uses

In Kashmir, morels are not an everyday vegetable. They are reserved for feasts, weddings, festivals, and for guests. The most famous Kashmiri dish is Kanna-gichh Pulao, where dried morels are soaked, cleaned, and cooked with basmati rice, ghee, saffron, cardamom, cloves, and dry fruits. The result is fragrant, earthy, and deeply satisfying. Another popular dish is Kanna-gichh  Yakhni, where morels are cooked in a light yoghurt-based gravy with fennel, ginger, and dry mint, similar to the famous Kashmiri Yakhni for mutton.

Morels are also cooked as a simple curry with onions, tomatoes, turmeric, and garam masala, or stuffed with paneer, minced meat, or spiced potatoes. In Himachal and Uttarakhand, they are cooked with potatoes, peas, or spinach. In European cuisine, morels are sautéed in butter with garlic and cream, added to risotto, pasta, omelettes, soups, and sauces for steak and chicken. French chefs consider morels one of the finest ingredients for spring cooking. They pair especially well with cream, butter, eggs, asparagus, peas, chicken, and white wine.

Before cooking, dried morels must be soaked in warm water for 20 to 30 minutes. This softens them and removes grit, insects, and forest debris hidden inside their honeycomb caps. The soaking liquid should be strained through a muslin cloth and can be used as a stock, because it carries much of the flavour. Fresh morels should be brushed clean, cut lengthwise, and rinsed gently. Because morels are hollow, they absorb sauces beautifully. They should never be overcooked into mush; a gentle simmer preserves their texture.

One key rule in Kashmiri cooking is to clean morels thoroughly. Since they grow wild, small insects and soil can hide inside. Most cooks soak them twice, rinse, and then squeeze gently. Some cooks boil them once and discard the water before the final cooking to ensure safety.

Morels are also used in pickles, dried powders, and even as a flavouring for soups in winter. In some villages, dried morel powder is mixed with spices and stored for months, to be used in small quantities to flavour pulao and curries.

Why Are Some Varieties So Expensive?

The price of morels varies enormously. In Kashmir, fresh morels may sell for Rs. 1,500 to Rs. 3,000 per kilogram during the season, while dried morels can sell for Rs. 15,000 to Rs. 35,000 per kilogram, and in international markets even more. Some rare black morels and large, unbroken, premium-grade dried morels can cost Rs. 50,000 per kilogram or more.

The first reason is scarcity and seasonality. Morels grow for only 4 to 6 weeks a year. If the rains fail, or if the temperature rises too early, the season fails. Climate change, deforestation, and forest fires have made the harvest even more unpredictable.

The second reason is labour. Harvesting morels is manual, slow, and often dangerous. Collectors walk into remote forests, sometimes at high altitude, facing wild animals, steep slopes, and bad weather. After collection, cleaning, grading, and drying take days. The supply chain includes collectors, village aggregators, town traders, and exporters, each adding a margin.

The third reason is weight loss on drying. As mentioned, 10 kg of fresh morels becomes only 1 kg of dried morels. The buyer is paying for concentrated flavour, nutrition, and shelf life.

The fourth reason is grading. Not all morels are equal. Large, whole, light-coloured, unbroken caps with a strong aroma are graded as premium. Small, broken, dark, or insect-damaged morels are sold cheaply. Black morels (Morchella elata group) and yellow morels (Morchella esculenta group) are valued differently in different markets. In Europe, black morels are often preferred for their intense flavour, while in India, large yellow-brown Kashmiri Kanna-gichh is considered the best. The rarer the variety and the more perfect the piece, the higher the price.

The fifth reason is demand. Morels are in demand in India, China, Europe, the United States, and the Gulf countries. Five-star hotels, exporters, and gourmet stores compete for a limited supply. Kashmiri morels, in particular, are marketed as Himalayan, organic, and wild, which adds a premium.

Finally, there is the cost of storage and transport. Dried morels must be stored in airtight, moisture-free conditions, or they will lose aroma and get infested. Export involves quality checks, packaging, and certification.

In short, morels are expensive because nature makes very few of them, humans must work hard to find them, and the world wants them. They are not just food; they are a seasonal gift of the Himalayan forest, a source of income for mountain families, and a taste that cannot be reproduced by farming alone.

( Avtar Mota )


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